My friend Deng Xiao PingNo Indian except me in his personal capacity has ever been received by the recently departed China's great leader Deng Xiao Ping. Deng invited me in April 1981 to China for a discussion with him on Sino-Indian and other international issues. This meeting, which lasted 100 minutes was hailed by our newspapers as historic as it revived the normalization of our relations with China, which had begun earlier when Morarji Desai become the first Janata PM, but was briefly interrupted after Mrs.Gandhi returned to power. The Chinese had a deep distrust of Mrs. Gandhi because of her pro-Soviet Union tilt in policies, and had broken off the normalization abruptly after she returned to power in 1980. Mrs.Gandhi was however concerned that if the Chinese started to help the Assam students in agitation, India's Northeast would go out of control of New Delhi. There were Intelligence reports with Mrs.Gandhi that the Assam extremists were planning to send a team to China across the Tibet border to seek arms from that country. This Mrs.Gandhi wanted to stop. And that is why she wanted to make up with China. But she could not talk to the Chinese at the senior level since their leader Deng Xiao Ping refused to meet the Indian Ambassador in China, Mr.Shankar Bajpai. Indian diplomats told Mrs.Gandhi that the only Indian who enjoyed the Chinese trust was me, and Deng Xiao Ping should be approached through me.
At that time, I was a staunch opponent of Mrs.Gandhi. Her action of denying me three professorships (Delhi, Nehru and IIT Universities) at the bidding of communists in 1971-73, which forced me to join politics ( the other alternative was to return to Harvard University in USA) and later the struggle against the Emergency, had made me a bitter opponent of Mrs.Gandhi.
But it is a tribute to Mrs.Gandhi's patriotism that she did not allow political enmity to come in the way of national interest. At first she tried to convince me through Narasimha Rao to help her break the Chinese hostility. Then she appealed to me directly. So when Deng Xiao Ping invited me in 1981, I decided to help her for the nation's sake. This mutual gesture completely dissolved the enmity between me and Mrs.Gandhi. We became good friends from that date, so much so that the Madurai MP Subbaraman once came to see me to plead with me that since Mrs.Gandhi had so much regard for me, I should join Congress Party. He even offered to resign his Lok Sabha seat to send me to Parliament. I was, at that time, a Lok Sabha MP from Bombay, so I politely put him off. But it is an irony today that the son of Subbaraman, Rambabu, not only deserted Mrs.Gandhi's Congress Party, but actually defeated me by unfair means, in the 1996 elections for Madurai Lok Sabha seat. Mr.Subbaraman must be writhing in pain in heavan at this turn of events caused by his wayward son.
The question often asked of me is why a communist country like China gave me a known anti-communist- so much importance. The reasons for this are many. To begin with, communist countries ill-treat anticommunists only of their own country. But in dealing with those abroad, they look to see only if such persons are hostile to their own country. In my case, since for long I have advocated normal relations with China, when it was unpopular to do so, the Chinese leaders felt special warmth of feeling for me. My argument for supporting dialogue with China was that we should not have two enemies China and Pakistan, in the borders of our country. A Sino-Pakistan axis was dangerous for us, and it was making us depend on Russia too much. Therefore, I felt either China or Pakistan should be befriended. Pakistan could not be tackled because it was dominated by the USA, therefore not independent and could not be relied upon. China was an independent country, so we could talk with that country. China in turn had two enemies, Russia and USA and so it wanted to normalise relations with countries which could help either of its enemies. In our case, China's normal relations with us meant that Russia could not use us to trouble China especially through Tibet. So both India and China would mutually gain from normal relations. This was my argument.
When I first raised the issue in 1967 of improving relations with China, K.R.Narayanan, our President today, was then a Joint Secretary in our External Affairs Ministry. He wrote me a letter once in 1967 saying it was unpatriotic to raise the issue since China had attacked India in 1962. Of course I did not agree. France and Germany attacked each other for centuries. Today they are good friends. Nations have permanents interests, not permanent friendships or permanent enmities. When interests coincide, friendships follow. When interests clash, enmity will be inevitable.
This exchange between me and Narayanan became public. Many people could not understand how I, a perceived pro-American, Harvard educated person be for friendship with China. Because I was anti-communist, people automatically thought that I was pro-American. This is wrong. I would be Pro-or-anti a country according what is in India's interests. Everyone abroad understands this (but not my critics in India). That is why the Iraq's leader Sadam Hussein, a bitter foe of USA & Israel, had personally invited me twice to Iraq. Last month, the leftist Prime Minister of Namibia (in Africa) invited me to lead a conference. In June, Vietnam had invited me to participate in an international get-together,
Chinese leaders therefore clearly understood that despite my anti-communism, it was my fierce concern for India's interests which was motivating me for good relations with China, and that I had the courage to challenge the Russian lobbies in India, who were against China (despite being communists)! The Chinese admired me for this.
There was another reason why the Chinese found it easier to make friends with me. When I had just become a Professor at Harvard after getting my Ph.D. the world's most famous and revered China Scholar at Harvard, John Fairbank called me up. This was in early 1964, just one and half years after the 1962 Chinese attack. Fairbank taunted me with the assertion: "Why are Indians so poor in learning Chinese? Six students from India were brought here by me on Scholarship at the request of Prime Minister Nehru for a three years course, to learn Chinese. All six have failed in the first semester." My pride was hurt, so I retorted: "God knows where you got these six students. But if I wanted to, I can learn all the Chinese of a three year course in just six months." Fairbank challenged me to prove it.
Later Fairbank told me that he had used this ploy to attract me to China studies. He succeeded. I went back to classes at Harvard to learn Chinese. I was a star student, and indeed in six months learn all the Chinese in a three year long course. But surprisingly the little Tamil I had learnt from my mother came useful. For example, Chinese and Tamil had some common words "Nii" means "You" in both languages. The exclamation "Aiyoyo" is the same in both the languages. Most American students could not pronounce the ('zh') sounds in Chinese. Since I had learnt to pronounce ('pazham =fruit') in Tamil from childhood, I had no difficulty. So I was a hit and favourite with my Chinese Teacher. She was convinced despite my denial, that I had spent my childhood in China. Otherwise how could I pronounce 'zh' so beautifully and so naturally, while American students floundered on it, struggling to say it as 'zz'.
Because I could speak Chinese fluently, it was natural for the Chinese leaders to feel comfortable in my company. Chinese is a hard language to learn and so if some one learnt it, they assumed that the person had a love for China. Little did the Chinese realise that it had nothing to do with my love for China but more to disprove Fairbanks assertion.
After I learnt Chinese, I wrote many articles and books on Chinese Economy. Between 1970 and 1980 I published nearly 100 such writings. Most of it were critical of Chinese economic performance and Chairman Mao Tse Tung’s dictatorial policies. I was condemned by leftist intellectuals for these critical articles who thought Mao had revolutionized China. But the political changes in China during 1976 - 80, went in my favour. Mr.Deng Xiao Ping who took over the leadership in 1978 repudiated Mao, and said that he had ruined the Chinese Economy. World over among China Scholars, only I had written that in vain. Therefore the Chinese scholars immediately began quoting my articles to support Deng's view.
At that time in 1980, China had applied to the World Bank for a soft loan (i.e., at low 1/2 % interest rate). This meant that China became a competitor with India for loans from the World Bank. To prevent China from getting the loans, the then Finance Minister Mr.R.Venkatraman foolishly argued with the World Bank that China did not qualify for the loans since according to some leftist economists, China's per capita income was US$1000 compared India's $250. To qualify for low interest loans from World Bank, the per capita income had to be less than $400. The World Bank President Mr.Robert McNamara made Mr.Venkatraman's negative attitude look silly by quoting to him my study in which I had concluded that China's per capita income was the same as India's $250. So therefore, China qualified for the loan. Rather than correct himself, Mr.Venkatraman made his position more ridiculous by later suggesting to Mrs.Gandhi that on patriotic grounds I should be asked to revise my estimate of China's per capita income upward to $1000! Mrs.Gandhi politely referred Mr.Venkatraman's demand to me. I laughed at the request, but told her that she should call all the government experts to come to a conference with me, and prove my estimate wrong. Then I would revise it. Such a conference was arranged. About 40 government experts including the Reserve Bank Governor assembled in the then Foreign Secretary Mr.Ram Sathe's office. For four hours I sat with them, but they could not find anything wrong with my estimate of China's per capita income. Therefore, I did not revise my estimate. China got the soft loan from the World Bank despite Venkatraman's protest because of my research paper on the Chinese economy. But our country's name was spoiled by this negative attitude of our Finance Minister. The Chinese leaders came to know of this through the World Bank President Mr. McNamara. So they were emotionally moved. Therefore to thank me, the Chinese invited me to China to meet Mr.Deng Xiao Ping, considered as a great honor by one and all. Both India Today and Indian Express described my meeting with Deng as "historic" and covered it extensively.
When I reached Beijing in April 1981 I informed the Chinese Foreign Ministry that I would bring with me our Ambassador Mr.Shankar Bajpai to Mr.Deng's meeting. The Chinese were upset, and said that this visit was for honouring me in my personal capacity as a scholar, and not as a representative of India. I insisted, saying that Our Ambassador must be present to take notes, and give me clarifications. Besides, I was an MP, hence automatically a representative of India. The Chinese were adamant. So finally I said that I will have to leave China without meeting Mr.Deng if the Ambassador cannot accompany me. This firmness on my part, that abroad I will not separate myself from our government, impressed the Chinese ultimately. They finally understood that I was for truth, but at the same time would stand by my own country.
When I finally met Mr.Deng, he grabbed my arm and said in Chinese: "Lao peng yeou". This is the ultimate compliment in China to be called "an old friend" and that too by Mr.Deng, the Supreme leader of China. I raised the Assam agitators question with him right away, as I had promised Mrs.Gandhi. Deng asked me why I wanted to help Mrs.Gandhi who had tried to put me in jail during Emergency. I told him it was not a personal issue. If China gave arms to Assam agitators, then people of India will never forgive China, and it will ruin Sino-Indian relations. This would, of course, help Russia to create tensions between our two countries.
Deng appeared convinced. He said "Tell Mrs.Gandhi, if anyone crosses our border from India unauthorized, we will catch that person and hand him to your Border police". This was the assurance Mrs.Gandhi was looking for.
Deng smiled at me, said "Anything else?" I immediately jumped at that, and said "You have closed Manasarovar for 25 years. This is our holy spot, so please open it for our pilgrims". Deng did not know anything about Mount Kailash, but his officers explained in Chinese to him, about how difficult the place was to travel to etc. Deng turned to me said with a challenging smile: "If you promise to go there yourself, by walking to Mount Kailash, I will order it’s re-opening". In September 1981 later that year, I became the first Indian to visit Kailash and Manasarovar after 25 years. Kailash has been open to Hindu pilgrims ever since. Every year about 200 - 300 pilgrims go there.
Deng then turned to his other favourite topics like Vietnam, Russia, economic reform etc., He took me and our Ambassador however by surprise by suddenly declaring to me: "Tell Mrs.Gandhi, I want to improve relations with India. So I am sending our Foreign Minister Huang Hua to India later this year". Huang Hua came in June 1981, and after that Sino-Indian relations has been steadily improving without a break.
After about 100 minutes of meeting, I took leave of the then 71 years Mr.Deng. He said "you look so young (I was 41 years old then). In your long career ahead, there will be ups and down, but always be optimistic. We thank you for your help to us".
I felt very pleased with that meeting because despite my not being a Minister then, my efforts laid the foundations for improvement in Sino-Indian relations. Ten years later in 1991 when I returned to Beijing as India's Commerce Minister, India signed the first Trade Protocol with China in which exports and imports were given a boost. Within two days, I could complete the negotiations, because I was China's and Deng's "Lao peng yeou" (old friend). The Chinese were ready to please, because unlike us, are a grateful people. They never forget favours . President Nixon of USA had normalized American relations with China in 1972. After that Nixon landed into the Watergate scandal, and had to resign in 1974. But the Chinese never forgot him for normalizing Sino-US relations and treated him with honour as if nothing had happened. That is why China has so many friends in the world today and we have so few.
After my meeting with Deng Xiao Ping, I was widely recognised all over the world as one who could talk to China frankly. Many business people asked me if I would become their consultant for fat fees, for trade with China. I turned them all down, because the best relations are non-commercial. In 1988, Rajiv Gandhi was to go to China. He asked me to accompany him so that I could help him with Deng. I agreed but later Rajiv changed his mind. He laughingly told me: "My advisers say that if you come with me to China, the Chinese will treat you better and on a higher status than me". He quoted M.J.Akbar, a newspaper editor in support of this view. Since Rajiv and I were good friends, I did not mind his frankness. At least he was truthful.
India and China should try to be friends. Only then we can manage Pakistan. Deng helped us to restore normal relations and we should never forget that.
